There is no such thing as man and woman. No such thing as boy and girl. The distinctions we use to separate men from women, and the qualities that go into what we call masculine and feminine, are arbitrary and culturally defined. All things being equal, we are born with a clearly defined biological sex. We are born male or female, but we are not born boy or girl. That distinction must be taught. That distinction can only come from the culture around us. The media teaches us that only men can be corporate executives. Our families teach us that girls wear dresses and are cleaner, happier, and more polite than boys. Our schools teach us that boys play soccer and girls jump rope. Commerce ties the whole bundle together with dolls and trucks; pants and dresses; designer toothbrushes in blue and black or pink with sparkles. This paper will explore early gender socialization through the artifacts and social institutions of the United States. This does not pretend to be an exhaustive study, merely an inquisitive exploration.

It would help to begin by defining what we mean by "gender." Gender does not mean biological sex. Gender refers to the socially constructed expectations placed on a person as a result of their sex. Male, as a purely biological classification, usually refers to that organism which has the smaller of the two sex cells in organisms with dualistic male/female reproductive techniques. In humans, it refers to someone who has an X and a Y chromosome, and is capable of producing spermatozoa. Standard equipment for males includes a penis and two external testicles responsible for the production of sperm and testosterone. Female, as a biological classification, usually refers to that organism with the larger of two sex cells and which is responsible for gestating and bearing young. In humans, females have two X chromosomes and are included with, as standard factory equipment, two internal ovaries that produce ova, and a uterus for gestating young. Adult male and female humans exhibit many biological distinctions, with the possibility of inherent psychological differences only now being investigated. It is well established, however, that males tend to be taller, heavier, and more muscular than females. Females tend to have less body hair and more surface body fat leading to a rounder, more gracile form. Current research would also suggest a host of differences in the structure of male and female brains. Despite the usually unmistakable physical separation between human males and females, there exists a whole other class of traits: culturally prescribed gender. Those qualities which humans are taught, literally from the moment of birth, about what men and women, boys and girls, are supposed to be. They dwell benieth our counciousness and alter our preceptions, opinions, reactions and impluses without us ever realizing it. We are taught that women are nurturers and men are leaders. We are taught that women are emotional and loving, and that men are strong and impassive. These things, unlike our biology, are taught to us via the socialization process. They, not biology, make males men and females women.

We are born genderless, but the process of gender socialization is immediate. Often from the very moment of birth, infant males are dressed in blue, and infant females in pink; from that point on they can start becoming boys and girls. It has become politically correct for some hospitals and parents to adopt gender-neutral colors such as yellow or white for newborns, but the significance of blue and pink as a permanent symbol of gender remains. A 1998 survey by students at the University of Oregon found that, out of 54 adults, a full 95 percent identified blue as a boy’s color and pink as a girl’s color. While those conventions may be ebbing, it is still fairly uncommon for a man to voluntarily wear pink clothing. The color of apparel is only the beginning of gender socialization, and may merely communicate sex and how people should treat infants and very young children. A study conducted in 1969 by psychologists Michael Lewis and Susan Goldberg found that mothers treated their young sons and daughters very differently. They usually kept their infant female children closer to them than their boys. They also touched and talked to their daughters more than their sons. By the age of 13 months, girls stayed closer to their mothers when they played. When the researchers placed barriers between the mothers and their children they found the girls were more likely to cry and motion for help; the boys to try to climb over the wall. Lewis and Goldberg concluded that, in our society, parents unconsciously reward independence in their sons and passive dependence in their daughters. Sociologists have found, though often anecdotally, that parents allow their young sons to roam farther from home, to get dirtier and play rougher, and even to be more destructive in their play. Young girls are kept cleaner and are expected to stay that way, and are taught the importance of beauty and image. Girls tend to play indoors more, and are much less rough in their games. Parents promote this activity in their children, and from it they teach that violence and rough, athletic activity are proper for males. Cleanliness and quite, near inactivity proper for females. These ideas remain virtually intact into adulthood, only to be passed down to the next generation. Children learn that the line between man and woman is clearly demarcated. For boys: independence, power, leadership and freedom. For girls: domesticity, passiveness, a focus on beauty and image, and a generally more subdued existence.

Our media institutions are both windows and mirrors on society. Television especially, they at once teach and reinforce cultural attitudes, and for children can be among the most powerful forces of socialization. All one has to do is turn on a television or open a magazine to see men and women cast in often very rigid gender roles. Advertising is required to constantly reinvent itself, but some images are frequently reused. Among them, images of men as rugged and strong --the Marlboro man for instance-- or women as submissive objects which can be simply cast into a scene to attract eyeballs. Indeed, much advertising seems based on buxom and semi-naked young women whose sexual assets are expected to sell everything from cars to long distance plans. Most of these women are drawn as mere objects whose value is measured only in the fleeting beauty of their bodies. Girls are taught to judge themselves accordingly, and a truly awful message is sent to our daughters. Researchers found in a 1992 study that in prime-time television males outnumber females two to one. Males were also portrayed in more glamourous, higher-status positions. Sociologist Nancy Signorielli found in 1990 that those depictions do effect viewer’s opinions of women. The more television people watch, Signorielli found, the more restrictive their views about women tended to be. Media images help form the filter that is socialization, and they all contribute to the internalized gender identity. It sounds almost silly to say it, but people only do what they know how to do. Where little boys and little girls are told that they may only act in accordance with their sex, and then are repeatedly shown examples of strong men in positions of power and passive women in positions of subordination, what else can they become?

The toys of children are interesting artifacts of gender socialization. Almost without fail, the playthings of boys and girls come from two different worlds. Walking by the cluttered shelves in the children’s section of a major department store, androgynous or gender-neutral toys seem an exception rather than a rule. The clearly demarcated zones of dark blue and electric pink only bring the quantitativeness of geography to the distinction. But beyond that, the separation between what is marketed to young boys and young girls is glaring and, on closer inspection, somewhat disheartening. To boys are offered a near endless assortment of toys. Vehicles: trucks, planes, race cars, boats, space ships and police, fire and military hardware, all in various themes and scales. Weapons: swords, endless varieties of guns, bows, and fanciful projectile weapons. Sporting paraphernalia, action figures, systems of construction such as Legos, and video games. Girls would appear to have a somewhat less exciting selection. While a stunning variety of dolls and doll equipment does exist, the pink-swathed universe of girls toys would seem to end there. The only break to this theme are board games and the occasional invocation of the "princess" archetype (where is Carl Jung when I need him?). The princess image is an interesting diversion, but the board games marketed to girls only reinforce the gender stereotypes already mentioned. Girls are marketed games which promote beautification, "acceptable" male mate selection, and the navigation of artificial social networks. The upshot is distressing. While the playthings of young boys seem based on power, action, adventure, and even violence, the toys of girls seem to reflect one thing: domesticity. If little boys are trained to be race car drivers and fire fighters through their toys, girls are trained to be mothers and house wives with theirs.

That great crucible of American socialization, school, plays no small part in gender socialization. Schools represents vast social environments where children come together and learn about who they are by watching and interacting with others. The stunning powers of acceptance and rejection can put the finishing touches on the development of early gender identity in young children. Many studies of elementary and middle schools show a self-imposed segregation based on sex. In choosing work partners or where to sit, boys almost always choose other boys, and girls other girls. On the playground large spatial separations can be seen between boy groups and girl groups. It is within these groups, isolated from the other sex, that children learn from each other the proper social posture and models of interaction "proper" for their gender. The social differences between adolescent boys and girls are numerous, often dramatic, and usually carry on into adulthood. Boys tend to interact in larger, more publicly visible groups. They take up more space, and are rougher in their play. Girls tend to choose smaller, more intimate groups of shifting alliances. Compared to boys, they tend to be less competitive and engage in more turn-taking. Girls tend to acquiesce more readily than boys to teachers and the rules of the institution. The larger boy groups give each member a greater degree of anonymity, and group rule breaking for boys is rather common. Boy groups are also more clearly hierarchical, with well defined leaders. From this, boys learn how to interact in structured organizations where there is a clear top and bottom. They learn competitiveness, assertiveness, and aggression as tools for success. Girls tend to organize themselves into pair groups of "best friends" linked in shifting alliances. They continually negotiate with each other for friendship, and talk about who "likes" who. Compared with boys, girls tend to be more interested in forming intimate relationships and communicating their feelings. This interaction helps to teach the creation, sustaining, and ending of relationships, intimate and otherwise. Their attention to who "likes" who and the delicate social interactions of those around them teach them strategies for forming and leaving personal relationships. These disparities between early male and female socialization reflect several major qualities of later sexual identification: that girls and boys are members of opposing, sometimes antagonistic groups, that cross-gender contact is at once dangerous and pleasurable, and that girls are more sexually defined than boys.

A biologist might disagree that the sum of who we are, our aspirations and opinions, the underlying expectations placed on us, and the subtle psychological forces which nudge us this way and that, are purely the result of socialization. But if there is anything which anthropology teaches us, it is that humans are different and the same each in very precise ways. The human condition is the same the world over. We all do the same things, we just go about them in different ways. The idea of men and women, boys and girls is no different. All cultures include the powerful symbols of man and woman, but how they separate the two is arbitrary. The separation must exist though, for where biological sex is a factor the "real" issue of reproduction must be considered. The luxuries of culture and society can not overpower our "true" function as mere machines for the reproduction of our genes. Gender as an extension of biological sex is our little way of making sure that that is carried out. But into gender, we must be socialized. To what end result, however, is up to the culture around us.

A Noding things you've written before node.
Also, another anthropology assignment from way back when.

Good paper, but there is a good amount of evidence that gender is not just a social construct, but there is a biological basis for it.

I've read various things about it, and it just seems that the stereotypes that have evolved didn't just arise from thin air, but have come out of differences between the male and the female that are just there. I've read of communes where they treated the children all the same, no gender-specific behaviors pushed, no talk of what the girls shouldn't do because only boys did, and so on. Guess what? All that effort, and they still found the children doing it on their own, the boys mostly playing in one manner, the girls in another.

For an strong example to demonstrate the innate gender identity that a person holds, examine the case of David Reimer.

Sure, there are a ton of purely social and cultural things still around. But the two are different in many ways, and that can't be avoided. I don't think everyone will fit into one category or another, because there's always variety in nature, and occasionally there wil be people who break the rules. But only occasionally.

I've read of communes where they treated children all the same, no gender-specific behaviors pushed..."

It occurs to me that while a commune such as this may not have overtly encouraged gender-specific behaviors, the adults who live there were raised in a society that does have established gender roles.

This is to say that maybe these roles were too deeply ingrained to eradicate within one generation.

Perhaps the influence was subtle enough that these adults didn't realize their own biases.

Whether these biases are cultural or genetic is beyond our current scientific understanding, methinks, as we still know very little about how the brain works in general, or how physical differences influence character, behaviour, interests, and abilities of men versus those of women.

It seems more useful and less limiting to think of gender roles as merely products of society, and to focus not on generalizations but on the potential of the individual to do whatever he or she is capable of.

The individual is not a statistic.

The responses to this w/u missed the point of the discussion of gender; i.e. gender is defined as those aspects of sexual identity which are socially determined. When we discover that a sexually differentiated behavior is biologically determined, then it means that it is part of a person's sex, but it does not mean that there is no such thing as socially-determined gender.

No one is disputing that the sexes are distinct biologically, but sociologists have shown that many behaviors and roles we associate with sex vary from culture to culture, and they are therefore culturally determined. Furthermore, statements like, "Boys are better at math," may be biologically true on a general basis, but it does not follow that every boy is automatically better than every girl at math. Gender also places value on the sex differences, which biology does not, obviously. To continue the math example, it may be true that biology has given the male brain an advantage in mathematical and spatial intelligence, but the value we place on male forms of thinking over female forms of thinking is societal, and caught up with gender. Everyone is encouraging girls to excel in math and science, but very few people seem to be concerned that boys aren't so interested in foreign languages or literature. When studying the sexual division of labor, Mead found that although which tasks are allocated to which sex varies from culture to culture, the constant is that tasks allocated to men are viewed as more important and more crucial to the functioning of the community. In a culture in which the men do the fishing, for example, it is esteemed as a difficult and essential skill, but where women are the fishers, it's a menial and boring task.

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